主要內容
①簽訂公開和約，杜絕秘密外交；
②平時和戰時海上航行絕對自由；
③取消一切經濟壁壘，建立貿易平等條件；
④裁減軍備到同國內安全相一致的最低點；
⑤公正處理殖民地問題，在決定一切有關主權問題時，應兼顧當地居民的利益和殖民政府之正當要求；
⑥外國軍隊撤出俄國，並保證俄國獨立決定其政治發展和國家政策，歡迎它在自己選擇的制度下,進入自由國家的社會；
⑦德軍撤出比利時,並恢復其主權；
⑧德軍撤出法國，阿爾薩斯和洛林歸還法國；
⑨根據民族分布情況，調整義大利疆界；
⑩允許奧匈帝國境內各民族自治；
(11)羅馬尼亞、塞爾維亞和門的內哥羅的領土予以恢復；
(12)承認奧斯曼帝國內的土耳其部分有穩固的主權，但土耳其統治的其他民族有在“自治”的基礎上不受干擾的發展機會，達達尼爾海峽在國際保證下永遠開放為自由航道；
(13)重建獨立的擁有出海口的波蘭，以國際條約保證其政治經濟獨立和領土完整；
(14)根據旨在國家不分大小、相互保證政治獨立和領土完整的特別盟約，設立國際聯合機構。
前5點為原則意見，後9點為具體建議。
英文原文
Woodrow Wilson
The World Must Be Made Safe For Every Peace-Loving Nation: The Fourteen Points
January 8 ， 1918
Washington
Gentlemen of the Congress:
Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of the central Empires have indicated their desire to discuss the objects of the war and the possible basis of a general peace.
It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy face, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow now or at any other time the objects it has in view.
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and make the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world’s peace therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this：
1. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
2. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
3. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
4. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
5. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
6. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity ofr the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free naions under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also fo every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
7. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
8. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
9. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
10. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.
11. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
12. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of al nations under international guarantees.
13. An independent Polish state should erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
14. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end.
For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world, the new world in which we now live, instead of a place of mastery.
Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination.
We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak. Unless this principle be made its foundation no part of the structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle, and to the vindication of this principle they ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they possess. The moral climax of this, the culminating and final war for human liberty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to the test.
歷史意義
十四點計畫固然滿口和平公正，但不過是掩飾美國爭霸世界野心的美麗的外表而已，其出台也包含著 抵消蘇維埃政府和平建議的目的。
不過，十四點計畫處於美國爭奪世界霸權的考慮，把 德國作為未來國際舞台上同英國、法國抗衡的力量和反蘇維埃的橋頭堡，在某種程度上遏制了協約國企圖以勝利者的姿態肢解德國的報復行為，對日後的世界政治格局有深遠意義。
失敗標誌
“十四點”計畫表面上標榜“民族自決”，反對“秘密外交”,倡導建立“公正而持久的和平”,實際上是美國企圖利用戰爭中增長的實力，削弱競爭對手英、法帝國主義，重新瓜分世界。也反映其敵視蘇聯、反對被壓迫民族爭取獨立解放的立場。威爾遜為了反對英、法、俄撇開美國秘密分割世界，提出反對秘密外交；為了取代英國的海上霸權，主張海上自由；為了確立美國的商業霸權，要求廢除經濟壁壘；在歡迎俄國進入“自由”國家社會的招牌下，反對蘇維埃政權，在註解中明確表示要承認並援助若干臨時政府，與蘇俄政府對抗；以同等重視殖民地人民與帝國主義的要求來否認被壓迫民族的民族獨立，以“自治”為名反對前奧斯曼帝國內的阿拉伯民族的獨立；為了使美國成為世界盟主，建議創立國際聯合機構。1919年的巴黎和會(1919)上，英、法操縱會議進程,猛烈反對美國旨在建立世界霸權的綱領。所議定的和約條款大多不符合“十四點”的初衷，新創立的國際聯盟也成為推行英、法兩國政策的工具。美國國會拒絕批准《凡爾賽和約》，不參加國際聯盟。這標誌著“十四點”的失敗。
