人物簡介
Shirin Ebadi
目前，她是一名律師並在德黑蘭大學擔任教職。
以下為她2003年12月10日在瑞典奧斯陸諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮上的演講。
The Nobel Peace Lecture for 2003 By Shirin Ebadi In the name of the God of Creation and Wisdom Your Majesty, Your Royal Highnesses, Honourable Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I feel extremely honoured that today my voice is reaching the people of the world from this distinguished venue. This great honour has been bestowed upon me by the Norwegian Nobel Committee. I salute the spirit of Alfred Nobel and hail all true followers of his path. This year, the Nobel Peace Prize has been awarded to a woman from Iran, a Muslim country in the Middle East. Undoubtedly, my selection will be an inspiration to the masses of women who are striving to realize their rights, not only in Iran but throughout the region – rights taken away from them through the passage of history. This selection will make women in Iran, and much furtherafield, believe in themselves. Women constitute half of the population of every country. To disregard women and bar them from active participation in political, social, economic and cultural life would in fact be tantamount to depriving the entire population of every society of half its capability. The patriarchal culture and the discrimination against women, particularly in the Islamic countries, cannot continue for ever. Honourable members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee! As you are aware, the honour and blessing of this prize will have a positive and far-reaching impact on the humanitarian and genuine endeavours of the people of Iran and the region. The magnitude of this blessing will embrace every freedom-loving and peace-seeking individual, whether they are women or men. I thank the Norwegian Nobel Committee for this honour that has been bestowed upon me and for the blessing of this honour for the peace-loving people of my country. Today coincides with the 55th anniversary of the adoption of theUniversal Declarationof Human Rights; a declaration which begins with the recognition of the inherent dignity and the equal andinalienablerights of all members of the human family, as the guarantor of freedom, justice and peace. And it promises a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of _expression and opinion, and be safeguarded and protected against fear and poverty. Unfortunately, however, this year\'s report by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), as in the previous years, spells out the rise of a disaster which distances mankind from the idealistic world of the authors of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In 2002, almost 1.2 billion human beings lived in glaring poverty, earning less than one dollar a day. Over 50 countries were caught up in war or natural disasters. AIDS has so far claimed the lives of 22 million individuals, and turned 13 million children into orphans. At the same time, in the past two years, some states have violated the universal principles and laws of human rights by using the events of 11 September and the war on international terrorism as apretext. The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 57/219, of 18 December 2002, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1456, of 20 January 2003, and the United Nations Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2003/68, of 25 April 2003, set out and underline that all states must ensure that any measures taken to combat terrorism must comply with all their obligations under international law, in particular international human rights and humanitarian law. However, regulations restricting human rights and basic freedoms, special bodies and extraordinary courts, which make fair adjudication difficult and at times impossible, have beenJustifiedand given legitimacy under the cloak of the war on terrorism. The concerns of human rights\' advocates increase when they observe that international human rights laws are breached not only by their recognized opponents under the pretext of cultural relativity, but that these principles are also violated in Western democracies, in other words countries which were themselves among the initial codifiers of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is in this framework that, for months, hundreds of individuals who were arrested in the course of military conflicts have been imprisoned in Guantanamo, without the benefit of the rights stipulated under the international Geneva conventions, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the [United Nations] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Moreover, a question which millions of citizens in the international civil society have been asking themselves for the past few years, particularly in recent months, and continue to ask, is this: why is it that some decisions and resolutions of the UN Security Council are binding, while some other resolutions of the council have no binding force? Why is it that in the past 35 years, dozens of UN resolutions concerning the occupation of thePalestinianterritories by the state of Israel have not been implemented promptly, yet, in the past 12 years, the state and people of Iraq, once on the recommendation of the Security Council, and the second time, in spite of UN Security Council opposition, were subjected to attack, military assault, economic sanctions, and, ultimately, military occupation? Ladies and Gentlemen, Allow me to say a little about my country, region, culture and faith. I am an Iranian. A descendent of Cyrus The Great. The very emperor who proclaimed at the pinnacle of power 2500 years ago that "… he would not reign over the people if they did not wish it." And [he] promised not to force any person to change his religion and faith and guaranteed freedom for all. The Charter of Cyrus The Great is one of the most important documents that should be studied in the history of human rights. I am a Muslim. In theKoranthe Prophet of Islam has been cited as saying: "Thoushaltbelieve in thine faith and I in my religion." That same divine book sees the mission of all prophets as that of inviting all human beings to uphold justice. Since the advent of Islam, too, Iran\'s civilization and culture has become imbued and infused withhumanitarianism, respect for the life, belief and faith of others, propagation of tolerance and compromise and avoidance of violence,bloodshedand war. The luminaries of Iranian literature, in particular ourgnosticliterature, from Hafiz, Mowlavi [better known in the West as Rumi] andattarto Saadi, Sanaei, Naser Khosrow and Nezami, are emissaries of this humanitarian culture. Their message manifests itself in this poem by Saadi: "The sons of Adam are limbs of one another Having been created of one essence." "When the calamity of time afflicts one limb The other limbs cannot remain at rest." The people of Iran have been battling against consecutive conflicts between tradition and modernity for over 100 years. By resorting to ancient traditions, some have tried and are trying to see the world through the eyes of their predecessors and to deal with the problems and difficulties of the existing world by virtue of the values of the ancients. But, many others, while respecting their historical and cultural past and their religion and faith, seek to go forth in step with world developments and not lag behind the caravan of civilization, development and progress. The people of Iran, particularly in the recent years, have shown that they deem participation in public affairs to be their right, and that they want to be masters of their own destiny. This conflict is observed not merely in Iran, but also in many Muslim states. Some Muslims, under the pretext thatdemocracyand human rights are not compatible with Islamic teachings and the traditional structure of Islamic societies, have justified despotic governments, and continue to do so. In fact, it is not so easy to rule over a people who are aware of their rights, using traditional, patriarchal and paternalistic methods. Islam is a religion whose first sermon to the Prophet begins with the word "Recite!" The Koran swears by the pen and what it writes. Such a sermon and message cannot be in conflict with awareness, knowledge, wisdom, freedom of opinion and _expression and culturalpluralism. The discriminatory plight of women in Islamic states, too, whether in the sphere of civil law or in the realm of social, political and cultural justice, has its roots in the patriarchal and male-dominated culture prevailing in these societies, not in Islam. This culture does not tolerate freedom and democracy, just as it does not believe in the equal rights of men and women, and the liberation of women from male domination (fathers, husbands, brothers …), because it would threaten the historical and traditional position of the rulers and guardians of that culture. One has to say to those who have mooted the idea of a clash of civilizations, or prescribed war and military intervention for this region, and resorted to social, cultural, economic and political sluggishness of the South in a bid to justify their actions and opinions, that if you consider international human rights laws, including the nations\' right to determine their own destinies, to be universal, and if you believe in the priority and superiority of parliamentary democracy over other political systems, then you cannot think only of your own security and comfort, selfishly and contemptuously. A quest for new means and ideas to enable the countries of the South, too, to enjoy human rights and democracy, while maintaining their political independence and territorial integrity of their respective countries, must be given top priority by the United Nations in respect of future developments and international relations. The decision by the Nobel Peace Committee to award the 2003 prize to me, as the first Iranian and the first woman from a Muslim country, inspires me and millions of Iranians and nationals of Islamic states with the hope that our efforts, endeavours and struggles toward the realization of human rights and the establishment of democracy in our respective countries enjoy the support, backing and solidarity of international civil society. This prize belongs to the people of Iran. It belongs to the people of the Islamic states, and the people of the South for establishing human rights and democracy. Ladies and Gentlemen In the introduction to my speech, I spoke of human rights as a guarantor of freedom, justice and peace. If human rights fail to be manifested in codified laws or put into effect by states, then, as rendered in thepreambleof the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, human beings will be left with no choice other than staging a "rebellion against tyranny andoppression." A human being divested of all dignity, a human beingdeprivedof human rights, a human being gripped by starvation, a human being beaten byfamine, war and illness, a humiliated human being and a plundered human being is not in any position or state to recover the rights he or she has lost. If the 21st century wishes to free itself from the cycle of violence, acts of terror and war, and avoid repetition of the experience of the 20th century – that most disaster-riddencentury of humankind, there is no other way except by understanding and putting into practice every human right for all mankind, irrespective of race, gender, faith, nationality or social status. In anticipation of that day. With much gratitude Shirin Ebadi
Shirin Ebadi is an Iranian lawyer and human rightsactivistand also teaches at the University of Tehran. This lecture was given in Oslo, Sweden on December 10, 2003.
附參考譯文：
2003年12月10日 奧斯陸 諾貝爾演講廳
以萬能和智慧的上帝的名義!
尊貴的挪威諾貝爾委員會的成員閣下、女士們和先生們：
今天，我感到非常榮耀，我的聲音能夠從這個舉世矚目的會場傳遍全世 界；這份巨大的榮耀是挪威諾貝爾委員會賦予我的，我謹向諾貝爾以及 其精神的追隨者們致以由衷的敬意。
今年，諾貝爾和平獎授予了我這樣一名來自伊朗的婦女，伊朗，是位於 中東的穆斯林國家。
這樣的選擇，不容置疑地將會成為一種精神力量，來鼓舞那些正在為自 己的權利而奮鬥的婦女群體——不只是伊朗的，而且包括那些由於歷史的原因而被剝奪了權利的世界各地的民眾。這個選擇，將會使伊朗的以 及很大範圍的婦女獲得自信。每個國家的人口有半數是婦女，漠視婦女，並把她們從政治、社會、經濟和文化生活等活動領域排斥出去，實際上 就等同於剝奪整個國家人口一半的社會能力。這種家長式文化，這種對婦女的歧視，尤其是在伊斯蘭國家，再也不能繼續下去了。
尊貴的諾貝爾委員會的所有成員，正如你們所意識到的，這份榮譽和祝福將在人道主義和真誠的努力方面，給予伊朗和其他地區的人們確切而 深遠的衝擊影響。這份偉大的榮譽和祝福還將給予每一個熱愛自由、尋求和平的人，無論他們是婦女還是男子。我感謝挪威諾貝爾委員會把這 份榮譽贈予我，把榮譽和祝福贈予了我國熱愛和平的人們。
今天，恰好是世界人權宣言生效55周年。這個宣言是以"鑒於對人類家 庭全體成員的與生俱來的尊嚴和平等不移的權利的承認, 乃是世界自 由、正義與和平的基礎"作為開頭的。宣言還許諾人類一個人人享有表 達言論和見解的自由，並保障人們免於恐懼和貧困。
然而，不幸的是，今年聯合國開發計畫署的報告，如幾年前一樣，明確 地指出違背人類的災難有增無減，這與“世界人權宣言”的起草者的理想的世界是背道而馳的。在2002年一年中，約有1.2億人生活在觸目驚 心的貧困之中，一天的收入不到一美元；50多個國家遭遇了戰爭或自然災害；愛滋病到目前為止正在危及著兩千二百萬人的生命，致使一千三 百萬兒童淪為孤兒。
與此同時，在過去兩年中，一些國家以9·11和國際恐怖主義為藉口， 公然違背了普世原則和人權法。2002年12月18日聯合國大會57/219 號決議、2003年1月20日聯合國安理會1456號決議、2003年4月25 號聯合國人權委員會2003/68號決議，都聲明並強調，所有國家必須確 保在打擊恐怖主義所採取的方式上有必要遵循國際法的義務，尤其是遵守國際人權和人道主義法律。但是，某些特殊的組織和特別法庭時常難 以作出或者不可能作出公正的判決，這些制約人權和基本自由的法則在反恐戰爭的掩飾下已然變成公正合法的了；人權倡導者的憂慮日益增 長，特別是他們看到國際人權規則不僅僅被他們已經認可的以所謂文化衝突為藉口的敵人所破壞，而且也被某些西方民主國家所違背——換句 話說，這些國家正是編撰聯合國憲章和世界人權宣言的最初成員國。
幾個月以來，在軍事衝突中被拘捕的數以百計的人士被監禁在關塔那 摩，而沒有得到《日內瓦國際公約》、《世界人權宣言》、《聯合國國 際公民和政治權利盟約》等規定的權益保障。
還有，一個被上百萬國際民間社團成員不斷質疑的問題，過去許多年， 特別是近來幾個月，正繼續受到質疑。這個質疑就是：聯合國安理會的一些決定和決議，為什麼一直被束之高閣？另外還有些決議，為什麼沒 有約束力？在過去的35年間，聯合國關於以色列所占領的巴勒斯坦地區領土問題的許多決議，為什麼到現在還沒有得以實施？在過去的12 年間，儘管有聯合國安理會的一而再、再而三的忠告和反對，為什麼伊拉克國家和人民卻依然遭受武力打擊、軍事襲擊、經濟制裁併軍事占領 呢？
先生們、女士們！
請允許我在這裡談一些與我的國家、地區、文化和信仰有關的事。
我是一名伊朗人，偉大的居魯士的後裔。2500年前，居魯士大帝在他的 權力達到頂峰時宣告：“……如果人民沒有這個希望，我將不會凌駕於人民之上。”他許諾不會強迫任何人去改變自己的宗教信仰，並且保證 給予全部人民以自由。在人權史上，神聖的居魯士憲章在人權史上應該是被研究的最重要的文獻之一。
我是一名穆斯林，在《古蘭經》里，伊斯蘭的先知的話作為箴言而被引述：“在我的教里，你應該相信你的信仰和我本人。”這本聖書還預言 所有先知的使命，他們的使命就是引導全人類維護正義。自從伊斯蘭教出現，伊朗的文明和文化顯然已被人道主義、對生命的敬重、對他人的 信任和誠實等這些美德所滋潤，也被所宣揚的容忍與妥協，對暴力、殺戮與戰爭的退避而滋潤。從哈菲茲（Hafiz）、默拉夫伊（Mowlavi ），（他的西方名“Rumi”魯米更為人熟知）和阿撻（Attar），一直到薩迪 （Saadi）、薩那伊（Sanaei）、拿薩爾·克瓦斯羅夫（Naser Khosrow） 和納扎米（Nezami）等，閃爍著伊朗文學尤其是我們的神秘精神文學的 光芒，他們都是人類文化使者，他們所表達的信息可以在薩迪（Saadi）的這首詩中得以體現：
“亞當的兒子們互為臂膀， 由亞當的血肉生成”
“當歲月流逝損毀其中一個臂膀， 其他的臂膀就難以保全”
伊朗人民在傳統與現代的延續性衝突中已經抗爭百餘年了。通過吸收古 代傳統文化，一些人已經嘗試或者正在嘗試以他們先人的視野來審視當 今世界，以先人的價值觀念來對付當今世界的問題和困難。
而另外許多人，在遵從他們過去的歷史文化以及宗教信仰的同時，熱衷 於緊隨世界發展的潮流，而不滯後於文明、發展和進步的步履。尤其是 近年來，伊朗人民已經顯示出他們能夠把參與公共事務視為自己的權利 和要成為自己命運的主人的熱望。
這種文化衝突，不僅在伊朗，而且在許多別的穆斯林國家都能看到。一 些穆斯林以民主和人權不能夠與伊斯蘭教義和伊斯蘭社會傳統結構相兼容為藉口為專制政府辯護，這種現象如今已有所改觀。事實上，用傳 統的家長似的的專制主義等方式來統治一個漸漸覺醒的民族，並不那么 容易。
伊斯蘭教早先是以“誦”的形式來布道的。古蘭經現在是靠筆書寫來起 誓的。此樣的布道和表達的信息不可能在意識、知識、智慧、見解和表 達的自由以及文化多元主義等方面有什麼衝突。
伊斯蘭國家婦女也在民法領域或者是在社會正義、政治和文化正義領域 遭受不公平待遇的情況，不僅在伊斯蘭教中，而且在整個伊斯蘭國家裡，在社會盛行的家長制和夫權制文化的社會中，有其自身文化上的根源。 這種文化難以忍受自由和民主，正如同這種文化不相信男女之間有平等權利，不相信從男權（父親、丈夫、兄弟……）那裡能夠得到婦女的自 由一樣，因為這會危及統治者以及衛道者的歷史和傳統的地位。
你必須對那些提出文明衝突觀點，或對那些在本地區訴諸戰爭和軍事乾 涉，或憑藉對付開發中國家的在社會、文化、經濟和政治上的慣性，試圖來證明他們的行為和觀念的人說，如果你認為國際人權法則（包括各 個國家有決定他們自己命運的權利）是普遍適用的，如果您相信優先權和議會民主優於其它政治體制, 那么你就不能僅僅自私且傲慢地只考慮 你自己的安全與舒適。對於開發中國家享受人權和民主的新方式新思維的尋求，特別是在維護他們各自國家的政治獨立和領土完整的時候，就 未來發展和國際關係上，聯合國必須擁有最大優先權。
諾貝爾和平委員會決定把2003年的和平獎授予我，讓我成為第一個獲 此殊榮的伊朗人和第一個獲此殊榮的來自穆斯林國家的女性，這個決定激勵著我以及成千上萬的伊朗人民，還有各個伊斯蘭國家的人們，證明 各自國家在通往實現人權和民主建設的道路上繼續努力、奮鬥與鬥爭，並正得到國際文明社會的支持、依靠和支撐。這個獎屬於伊朗人民；這 個獎屬於伊斯蘭國家的人民，屬於為了建立人權和民主的開發中國家人 民。
女士們、先生們！
在我的演講的開始，我把人權說成是自由、正義與和平的保證。如果人 權不能被明明白白地由各國編撰進法律或付諸實施的話，那么，正如世界人權宣言的序文中所提出的那樣，除了進行“對暴政和壓迫進行反叛” 之外，人們將別無選擇。一個尊嚴落地、人權剝離、飢餓鉗制、飢謹、戰爭與疾病侵襲並任人欺凌的人，將會不顧一切地去奪回他或她所失去 的一切。
如果21世紀希望從暴力、 恐怖行動和戰爭的怪圈裡解放出來，並避免 20 世紀——那是自有人類以來災難最深重的世紀——的教訓的重演, 除了理解並兌現不分種族、性別、信仰、國籍和社會地位的全人類的人 權，別無他法。
我們期待著那天的到來。
謹致以誠摯的謝意
希爾琳·艾芭迪
諾貝爾獎女性獲得者
| 獎項領域 | Female Nobel Prize laureates共有33位，以下是獲獎年代及人物： |
| 物理學 | 1903年- 瑪麗·居里|| 1963年- 瑪麗亞·格佩特-梅耶 |
| 化 學 | 1911年- 瑪麗·居里|| 1935年- 伊倫·約里奧-居里 || 1964年- 多蘿西·克勞福特·霍奇金 |
| 1947年- 格蒂·科里|| 1977年 - 羅莎琳·耶洛|| 1983年- 巴巴拉·麥克林托克|| 1986年-麗塔·列維-蒙塔爾奇尼|| 1988年- 格特魯德·埃利恩|| 1995年- 克里斯汀·紐斯林-沃爾哈德|| 2004年- 琳達·巴克 | |
| 文學 | 1909年- 塞爾瑪·拉格洛夫|| 1926年- 格拉齊亞·黛萊達|| 1928年- 西格里德·溫塞特|| 1938年- 珀爾·布克|| 1945年- 加夫列拉·米斯特拉爾|| 1966年- 奈莉·薩克斯|| 1991年- 內丁·戈迪默|| 1993年- 托妮·莫里森||1996年- 維斯拉瓦·辛波絲卡|| 2004年- 艾爾弗雷德·耶利內克 |
| 和平 | 1905年- 貝爾塔·馮·蘇特納|| 1931年- 珍妮·亞當斯|| 1946年- 愛米莉·巴爾奇|| 1976年- 貝蒂·威廉斯|| 1976年- 梅里德·科里根麥桂||1979年- 德蕾莎修女|| 1982年- 阿爾瓦·米達爾||1991年- 翁山蘇姬||1992年- 里戈韋塔·門楚·圖姆|| 1997年 - 喬迪·威廉士|| 2003年- 希爾琳·艾芭迪|| 2004年- 旺加里·馬塔伊 |
